January
27, 2000
Mr.
Speaker,
Mr. Vice
President,
Members
of
Congress,
honored
guests,
my
fellow
Americans:
We are
fortunate
to be
alive at
this
moment
in
history.
Never
before
has our
Nation
enjoyed,
at once,
so much
prosperity
and
social
progress
with so
little
internal
crisis
and so
few
external
threats.
Never
before
have we
had such
a
blessed
opportunity
and,
therefore,
such a
profound
obligation
to build
the more
perfect
Union of
our
Founders'
dreams.
We begin
the new
century
with
over 20
million
new
jobs;
the
fastest
economic
growth
in more
than 30
years;
the
lowest
unemployment
rates in
30
years;
the
lowest
poverty
rates in
20
years;
the
lowest
African-
American
and
Hispanic
unemployment
rates on
record;
the
first
back-to-
back
surpluses
in 42
years;
and next
month,
America
will
achieve
the
longest
period
of
economic
growth
in our
entire
history.
We have
built a
new
economy.
And our
economic
revolution
has been
matched
by a
revival
of the
American
spirit:
crime
down by
20
percent,
to its
lowest
level in
25
years;
teen
births
down 7
years in
a row;
adoptions
up by 30
percent;
welfare
rolls
cut in
half to
their
lowest
levels
in 30
years.
My
fellow
Americans,
the
state of
our
Union is
the
strongest
it has
ever
been.
As
always,
the real
credit
belongs
to the
American
people.
My
gratitude
also
goes to
those of
you in
this
Chamber
who have
worked
with us
to put
progress
over
partisanship.
Eight
years
ago, it
was not
so clear
to most
Americans
there
would be
much to
celebrate
in the
year
2000.
Then our
Nation
was
gripped
by
economic
distress,
social
decline,
political
gridlock.
The
title of
a
best-selling
book
asked:
"America:
What
Went
Wrong?"
In the
best
traditions
of our
Nation,
Americans
determined
to set
things
right.
We
restored
the
vital
center,
replacing
outmoded
ideologies
with a
new
vision
anchored
in
basic,
enduring
values:
opportunity
for all,
responsibility
from
all, a
community
of all
Americans.
We
reinvented
Government,
transforming
it into
a
catalyst
for new
ideas
that
stress
both
opportunity
and
responsibility
and give
our
people
the
tools
they
need to
solve
their
own
problems.
With the
smallest
Federal
work
force in
40
years,
we
turned
record
deficits
into
record
surpluses
and
doubled
our
investment
in
education.
We cut
crime
with
100,000
community
police
and the
Brady
law,
which
has kept
guns out
of the
hands of
half a
million
criminals.
We ended
welfare
as we
knew it,
requiring
work
while
protecting
health
care and
nutrition
for
children
and
investing
more in
child
care,
transportation,
and
housing
to help
their
parents
go to
work.
We've
helped
parents
to
succeed
at home
and at
work
with
family
leave,
which 20
million
Americans
have now
used to
care for
a
newborn
child or
a sick
loved
one.
We've
engaged
150,000
young
Americans
in
citizen
service
through
AmeriCorps,
while
helping
them
earn
money
for
college.
In 1992
we just
had a
roadmap.
Today,
we have
results.
Even
more
important,
America
again
has the
confidence
to dream
big
dreams.
But we
must not
let this
confidence
drift
into
complacency.
For we,
all of
us, will
be
judged
by the
dreams
and
deeds we
pass on
to our
children.
And on
that
score,
we will
be held
to a
high
standard,
indeed,
because
our
chance
to do
good is
so
great.
My
fellow
Americans,
we have
crossed
the
bridge
we built
to the
21st
century.
Now, we
must
shape a
21st
century
American
revolution
of
opportunity,
responsibility,
and
community.
We must
be now,
as we
were in
the
beginning,
a new
nation.
At the
dawn of
the last
century,
Theodore
Roosevelt
said,
"The one
characteristic
more
essential
than any
other is
foresight
. . . it
should
be the
growing
Nation
with a
future
that
takes
the long
look
ahead."
So
tonight,
let us
take our
long
look
ahead
and set
great
goals
for our
Nation.
To 21st
century
America,
let us
pledge
these
things:
Every
child
will
begin
school
ready to
learn
and
graduate
ready to
succeed.
Every
family
will be
able to
succeed
at home
and at
work,
and no
child
will be
raised
in
poverty.
We will
meet the
challenge
of the
aging of
America.
We will
assure
quality,
affordable
health
care, at
last,
for all
Americans.
We will
make
America
the
safest
big
country
on
Earth.
We will
pay off
our
national
debt for
the
first
time
since
1835.*
We will
bring
prosperity
to every
American
community.
We will
reverse
the
course
of
climate
change
and
leave a
safer,
cleaner
planet.
America
will
lead the
world
toward
shared
peace
and
prosperity
and the
far
frontiers
of
science
and
technology.
And we
will
become
at last
what our
Founders
pledged
us to be
so long
ago: One
Nation,
under
God,
indivisible,
with
liberty
and
justice
for all.
[* White
House
correction.]
These
are
great
goals,
worthy
of a
great
nation.
We will
not
reach
them all
this
year,
not even
in this
decade.
But we
will
reach
them.
Let us
remember
that the
first
American
Revolution
was not
won with
a single
shot;
the
continent
was not
settled
in a
single
year.
The
lesson
of our
history
and the
lesson
of the
last 7
years is
that
great
goals
are
reached
step by
step,
always
building
on our
progress,
always
gaining
ground.
Of
course,
you
can't
gain
ground
if
you're
standing
still.
And for
too long
this
Congress
has been
standing
still on
some of
our most
pressing
national
priorities.
So let's
begin
tonight
with
them.
Again, I
ask you
to pass
a real
Patients'
Bill of
Rights.
I ask
you to
pass
commonsense
gun
safety
legislation.
I ask
you to
pass
campaign
finance
reform.
I ask
you to
vote up
or down
on
judicial
nominations
and
other
important
appointees.
And
again, I
ask
you--I
implore
you to
raise
the
minimum
wage.
Now, 2
years
ago--let
me try
to
balance
the
seesaw
here--
[laughter]--2
years
ago, as
we
reached
across
party
lines to
reach
our
first
balanced
budget,
I asked
that we
meet our
responsibility
to the
next
generation
by
maintaining
our
fiscal
discipline.
Because
we
refused
to stray
from
that
path, we
are
doing
something
that
would
have
seemed
unimaginable
7 years
ago. We
are
actually
paying
down the
national
debt.
Now, if
we stay
on this
path, we
can pay
down the
debt
entirely
in just
13 years
now and
make
America
debt-free
for the
first
time
since
Andrew
Jackson
was
President
in 1835.
In 1993
we began
to put
our
fiscal
house in
order
with the
Deficit
Reduction
Act,
which
you'll
all
remember
won
passages
in both
Houses
by just
a single
vote.
Your
former
colleague,
my first
Secretary
of the
Treasury,
led that
effort
and
sparked
our long
boom.
He's
here
with us
tonight.
Lloyd
Bentsen,
you have
served
America
well,
and we
thank
you.
Beyond
paying
off the
debt, we
must
ensure
that the
benefits
of debt
reduction
go to
preserving
two of
the most
important
guarantees
we make
to every
American,
Social
Security
and
Medicare.
Tonight
I ask
you to
work
with me
to make
a
bipartisan
downpayment
on
Social
Security
reform
by
crediting
the
interest
savings
from
debt
reduction
to the
Social
Security
Trust
Fund so
that it
will be
strong
and
sound
for the
next 50
years.
But this
is just
the
start of
our
journey.
We must
also
take the
right
steps
toward
reaching
our
great
goals.
First
and
foremost,
we need
a 21st
century
revolution
in
education,
guided
by our
faith
that
every
single
child
can
learn.
Because
education
is more
important
than
ever,
more
than
ever the
key to
our
children's
future,
we must
make
sure all
our
children
have
that
key.
That
means
quality
pre-school
and
after-
school,
the best
trained
teachers
in the
classroom,
and
college
opportunities
for all
our
children.
For 7
years
now,
we've
worked
hard to
improve
our
schools,
with
opportunity
and
responsibility,
investing
more but
demanding
more in
turn.
Reading,
math,
college
entrance
scores
are up.
Some of
the most
impressive
gains
are in
schools
in very
poor
neighborhoods.
But all
successful
schools
have
followed
the same
proven
formula:
higher
standards,
more
accountability,
and
extra
help so
children
who need
it can
get it
to reach
those
standards.
I have
sent
Congress
a reform
plan
based on
that
formula.
It holds
States
and
school
districts
accountable
for
progress
and
rewards
them for
results.
Each
year,
our
National
Government
invests
more
than $15
billion
in our
schools.
It is
time to
support
what
works
and stop
supporting
what
doesn't.
Now, as
we
demand
more
from our
schools,
we
should
also
invest
more in
our
schools.
Let's
double
our
investment
to help
States
and
districts
turn
around
their
worst-performing
schools
or shut
them
down.
Let's
double
our
investments
in
after-school
and
summer
school
programs,
which
boost
achievement
and keep
people
off the
streets
and out
of
trouble.
If we do
this, we
can give
every
single
child in
every
failing
school
in
America--everyone--the
chance
to meet
high
standards.
Since
1993,
we've
nearly
doubled
our
investment
in Head
Start
and
improved
its
quality.
Tonight
I ask
you for
another
$1
billion
for Head
Start,
the
largest
increase
in the
history
of the
program.
We know
that
children
learn
best in
smaller
classes
with
good
teachers.
For 2
years in
a row,
Congress
has
supported
my plan
to hire
100,000
new
qualified
teachers
to lower
class
size in
the
early
grades.
I thank
you for
that,
and I
ask you
to make
it three
in a
row. And
to make
sure all
teachers
know the
subjects
they
teach,
tonight
I
propose
a new
teacher
quality
initiative,
to
recruit
more
talented
people
into the
classroom,
reward
good
teachers
for
staying
there,
and give
all
teachers
the
training
they
need.
We know
charter
schools
provide
real
public
school
choice.
When I
became
President,
there
was just
one
independent
public
charter
school
in all
America.
Today,
thanks
to you,
there
are
1,700. I
ask you
now to
help us
meet our
goal of
3,000
charter
schools
by next
year.
We know
we must
connect
all our
classrooms
to the
Internet,
and
we're
getting
there.
In 1994,
only 3
percent
of our
classrooms
were
connected.
Today,
with the
help of
the Vice
President's
E-rate
program,
more
than
half of
them
are. And
90
percent
of our
schools
have at
least
one
Internet
connection.
But we
cannot
finish
the job
when a
third of
all our
schools
are in
serious
disrepair.
Many of
them
have
walls
and
wires so
old,
they're
too old
for the
Internet.
So
tonight,
I
propose
to help
5,000
schools
a year
make
immediate
and
urgent
repairs
and,
again,
to help
build or
modernize
6,000
more, to
get
students
out of
trailers
and into
high-tech
classrooms.
I ask
all of
you to
help me
double
our
bipartisan
GEAR UP
program,
which
provides
mentors
for
disadvantaged
young
people.
If we
double
it, we
can
provide
mentors
for 1.4
million
of them.
Let's
also
offer
these
kids
from
disadvantaged
backgrounds
the same
chance
to take
the same
college
test-prep
courses
wealthier
students
use to
boost
their
test
scores.
To make
the
American
dream
achievable
for all,
we must
make
college
affordable
for all.
For 7
years,
on a
bipartisan
basis,
we have
taken
action
toward
that
goal:
larger
Pell
grants,
more
affordable
student
loans,
education
IRA's,
and our
HOPE
scholarships,
which
have
already
benefited
5
million
young
people.
Now, 67
percent
of high
school
graduates
are
going on
to
college.
That's
up 10
percent
since
1993.
Yet
millions
of
families
still
strain
to pay
college
tuition.
They
need
help. So
I
propose
a
landmark
$30-
billion
college
opportunity
tax cut,
a middle
class
tax
deduction
for up
to
$10,000
in
college
tuition
costs.
The
previous
actions
of this
Congress
have
already
made 2
years of
college
affordable
for all.
It's
time
make 4
years of
college
affordable
for all.
If we
take all
these
steps,
we'll
move a
long way
toward
making
sure
every
child
starts
school
ready to
learn
and
graduates
ready to
succeed.
We also
need a
21st
century
revolution
to
reward
work and
strengthen
families
by
giving
every
parent
the
tools to
succeed
at work
and at
the most
important
work of
all,
raising
children.
That
means
making
sure
every
family
has
health
care and
the
support
to care
for
aging
parents,
the
tools to
bring
their
children
up
right,
and that
no child
grows up
in
poverty.
From my
first
days as
President,
we've
worked
to give
families
better
access
to
better
health
care. In
1997, we
passed
the
Children's
Health
Insurance
Program--CHIP--so
that
workers
who
don't
have
coverage
through
their
employers
at least
can get
it for
their
children.
So far,
we've
enrolled
2
million
children;
we're
well on
our way
to our
goal of
5
million.
But
there
are
still
more
than 40
million
of our
fellow
Americans
without
health
insurance,
more
than
there
were in
1993.
Tonight
I
propose
that we
follow
Vice
President
Gore's
suggestion
to make
low
income
parents
eligible
for the
insurance
that
covers
their
children.
Together
with our
children's
initiative--think
of
this--together
with our
children's
initiative,
this
action
would
enable
us to
cover
nearly a
quarter
of all
the
uninsured
people
in
America.
Again, I
want to
ask you
to let
people
between
the ages
of 55
and 65,
the
fastest
growing
group of
uninsured,
buy into
Medicare.
And this
year I
propose
to give
them a
tax
credit
to make
that
choice
an
affordable
one. I
hope you
will
support
that, as
well.
When the
baby
boomers
retire,
Medicare
will be
faced
with
caring
for
twice as
many of
our
citizens;
yet, it
is far
from
ready to
do so.
My
generation
must not
ask our
children's
generation
to
shoulder
our
burden.
We
simply
must act
now to
strengthen
and
modernize
Medicare.
My
budget
includes
a
comprehensive
plan to
reform
Medicare,
to make
it more
efficient
and more
competitive.
And it
dedicates
nearly
$400
billion
of our
budget
surplus
to keep
Medicare
solvent
past
2025.
And at
long
last, it
also
provides
funds to
give
every
senior a
voluntary
choice
of
affordable
coverage
for
prescription
drugs.
Lifesaving
drugs
are an
indispensable
part of
modern
medicine.
No one
creating
a
Medicare
program
today
would
even
think of
excluding
coverage
for
prescription
drugs.
Yet more
than
three in
five of
our
seniors
now lack
dependable
drug
coverage
which
can
lengthen
and
enrich
their
lives.
Millions
of older
Americans,
who need
prescription
drugs
the
most,
pay the
highest
prices
for
them. In
good
conscience,
we
cannot
let
another
year
pass
without
extending
to all
our
seniors
this
lifeline
of
affordable
prescription
drugs.
Record
numbers
of
Americans
are
providing
for
aging or
ailing
loved
ones at
home.
It's a
loving
but a
difficult
and
often
very
expensive
choice.
Last
year I
proposed
a $1,000
tax
credit
for
long-term
care.
Frankly,
it
wasn't
enough.
This
year
let's
triple
it to
$3,000.
But this
year,
let's
pass it.
We also
have to
make
needed
investments
to
expand
access
to
mental
health
care. I
want to
take a
moment
to thank
the
person
who led
our
first
White
House
Conference
on
Mental
Health
last
year and
who for
7 years
has led
all our
efforts
to break
down the
barriers
to
decent
treatment
of
people
with
mental
illness.
Thank
you,
Tipper
Gore.
Taken
together,
these
proposals
would
mark the
largest
investment
in
health
care in
the 35
years
since
Medicare
was
created--the
largest
investment
in 35
years.
That
would be
a big
step
toward
assuring
quality
health
care for
all
Americans,
young
and old.
And I
ask you
to
embrace
them and
pass
them.
We must
also
make
investments
that
reward
work and
support
families.
Nothing
does
that
better
than the
earned-income
tax
credit,
the EITC.
The "E"
in the
EITC is
about
earning,
working,
taking
responsibility,
and
being
rewarded
for it.
In my
very
first
address
to you,
I asked
Congress
to
greatly
expand
this
credit,
and you
did. As
a
result,
in 1998
alone,
the EITC
helped
more
than 4.3
million
Americans
work
their
way out
of
poverty
toward
the
middle
class.
That's
double
the
number
in 1993.
Tonight
I
propose
another
major
expansion
of the
EITC: to
reduce
the
marriage
penalty,
to make
sure it
rewards
marriage
as it
rewards
work,
and also
to
expand
the tax
credit
for
families
that
have
more
than two
children.
It
punishes
people
with
more
than two
children
today.
Our
proposal
would
allow
families
with
three or
more
children
to get
up to
$1,100
more in
tax
relief.
These
are
working
families;
their
children
should
not be
in
poverty.
We also
can't
reward
work and
family
unless
men and
women
get
equal
pay for
equal
work.
Today
the
female
unemployment
rate is
the
lowest
it has
been in
46
years.
Yet,
women
still
only
earn
about 75
cents
for
every
dollar
men
earn. We
must do
better,
by
providing
the
resources
to
enforce
present
equal
pay
laws,
training
more
women
for
high-paying,
high-tech
jobs,
and
passing
the
"Paycheck
Fairness
Act."
Many
working
parents
spend up
to a
quarter--a
quarter--of
their
income
on child
care.
Last
year, we
helped
parents
provide
child
care for
about 2
million
children.
My child
care
initiative,
before
you now,
along
with
funds
already
secured
in
welfare
reform,
would
make
child
care
better,
safer,
and more
affordable
for
another
400,000
children.
I ask
you to
pass
that.
They
need it
out
there.
For
hard-pressed
middle
income
families,
we
should
also
expand
the
child
care tax
credit.
And I
believe
strongly
we
should
take the
next big
step and
make
that tax
credit
refundable
for low
income
families.
For
people
making
under
$30,000
a year,
that
could
mean up
to
$2,400
for
child
care
costs.
You
know, we
all say
we're
pro-work
and
pro-family.
Passing
this
proposal
would
prove
it.
Ten of
millions
of
Americans
live
from
paycheck
to
paycheck.
As hard
as they
work,
they
still
don't
have the
opportunity
to save.
Too few
can make
use of
IRA's
and 401k
plans.
We
should
do more
to help
all
working
families
save and
accumulate
wealth.
That's
the idea
behind
the
Individual
Development
Accounts,
the
IDA's. I
ask you
to take
that
idea to
a new
level,
with new
retirement
savings
accounts
that
enable
every
low- and
moderate-income
family
in
America
to save
for
retirement,
a first
home, a
medical
emergency,
or a
college
education.
I
propose
to match
their
contributions,
however
small,
dollar
for
dollar,
every
year
they
save.
And I
propose
to give
a major
new tax
credit
to any
small
business
that
will
provide
a
meaningful
pension
to its
workers.
Those
people
ought to
have
retirement
as well
as the
rest of
us.
Nearly
one in
three
American
children
grows up
without
a
father.
These
children
are 5
times
more
likely
to live
in
poverty
than
children
with
both
parents
at home.
Clearly,
demanding
and
supporting
responsible
fatherhood
is
critical
to
lifting
all our
children
out of
poverty.
We've
doubled
child
support
collections
since
1992.
And I'm
proposing
to you
tough
new
measures
to hold
still
more
fathers
responsible.
But we
should
recognize
that a
lot of
fathers
want to
do right
by their
children
but need
help to
do it.
Carlos
Rosas of
St.
Paul,
Minnesota,
wanted
to do
right by
his son,
and he
got the
help to
do it.
Now he's
got a
good
job, and
he
supports
his
little
boy. My
budget
will
help
40,000
more
fathers
make the
same
choices
Carlos
Rosas
did. I
thank
him for
being
here
tonight.
Stand
up,
Carlos.
[Applause]
Thank
you.
If there
is any
single
issue on
which we
should
be able
to reach
across
party
lines,
it is in
our
common
commitment
to
reward
work and
strengthen
families.
Just
remember
what we
did last
year. We
came
together
to help
people
with
disabilities
keep
their
health
insurance
when
they go
to work.
And I
thank
you for
that.
Thanks
to
overwhelming
bipartisan
support
from
this
Congress,
we have
improved
foster
care.
We've
helped
those
young
people
who
leave it
when
they
turn 18,
and we
have
dramatically
increased
the
number
of
foster
care
children
going
into
adoptive
homes. I
thank
all of
you for
all of
that.
Of
course,
I am
forever
grateful
to the
person
who has
led our
efforts
from the
beginning
and
who's
worked
so
tirelessly
for
children
and
families
for 30
years
now, my
wife,
Hillary,
and I
thank
her.
If we
take the
steps
just
discussed,
we can
go a
long,
long way
toward
empowering
parents
to
succeed
at home
and at
work and
ensuring
that no
child is
raised
in
poverty.
We can
make
these
vital
investments
in
health
care,
education,
support
for
working
families,
and
still
offer
tax cuts
to help
pay for
college,
for
retirement,
to care
for
aging
parents,
to
reduce
the
marriage
penalty.
We can
do these
things
without
forsaking
the path
of
fiscal
discipline
that got
us to
this
point
here
tonight.
Indeed,
we must
make
these
investments
and
these
tax cuts
in the
context
of a
balanced
budget
that
strengthens
and
extends
the life
of
Social
Security
and
Medicare
and pays
down the
national
debt.
Crime in
America
has
dropped
for the
past 7
years--that's
the
longest
decline
on
record--thanks
to a
national
consensus
we
helped
to forge
on
community
police,
sensible
gun
safety
laws,
and
effective
prevention.
But
nobody,
nobody
here,
nobody
in
America
believes
we're
safe
enough.
So
again, I
ask you
to set a
higher
goal.
Let's
make
this
country
the
safest
big
country
in the
world.
Last
fall,
Congress
supported
my plan
to hire,
in
addition
to the
100,000
community
police
we've
already
funded,
50,000
more,
concentrated
in
high-crime
neighborhoods.
I ask
your
continued
support
for
that.
Soon
after
the
Columbine
tragedy,
Congress
considered
commonsense
gun
legislation,
to
require
Brady
background
checks
at the
gun
shows,
child
safety
locks
for new
handguns,
and a
ban on
the
importation
of
large-capacity
ammunition
clips.
With
courage
and a
tie-breaking
vote by
the Vice
President--[laughter]--the
Senate
faced
down the
gun
lobby,
stood up
for the
American
people,
and
passed
this
legislation.
But the
House
failed
to
follow
suit.
Now, we
have all
seen
what
happens
when
guns
fall
into the
wrong
hands.
Daniel
Mauser
was only
15 years
old when
he was
gunned
down at
Columbine.
He was
an
amazing
kid, a
straight-A
student,
a good
skier.
Like all
parents
who lose
their
children,
his
father,
Tom, has
borne
unimaginable
grief.
Somehow
he has
found
the
strength
to honor
his son
by
transforming
his
grief
into
action.
Earlier
this
month,
he took
a leave
of
absence
from his
job to
fight
for
tougher
gun
safety
laws. I
pray
that his
courage
and
wisdom
will at
long
last
move
this
Congress
to make
commonsense
gun
legislation
the very
next
order of
business.
Tom
Mauser,
stand
up. We
thank
you for
being
here
tonight.
Tom.
Thank
you,
Tom.
We must
strengthen
our gun
laws and
enforce
those
already
on the
books
better.
Federal
gun
crime
prosecutions
are up
16
percent
since I
took
office.
But we
must do
more. I
propose
to hire
more
Federal
and
local
gun
prosecutors
and more
ATF
agents
to crack
down on
illegal
gun
traffickers
and
bad-apple
dealers.
And we
must
give
them the
enforcement
tools
that
they
need,
tools to
trace
every
gun and
every
bullet
used in
every
gun
crime in
the
United
States.
I ask
you to
help us
do that.
Every
State in
this
country
already
requires
hunters
and
automobile
drivers
to have
a
license.
I think
they
ought to
do the
same
thing
for
handgun
purchases.
Now
specifically,
I
propose
a plan
to
ensure
that all
new
handgun
buyers
must
first
have a
photo
license
from
their
State
showing
they
passed
the
Brady
background
check
and a
gun
safety
course,
before
they get
the gun.
I hope
you'll
help me
pass
that in
this
Congress.
Listen
to
this--listen
to this.
The
accidental
gun
rate--the
accidental
gun
death
rate of
children
under 15
in the
United
States
is 9
times
higher
than in
the
other 25
industrialized
countries
combined.
Now,
technologies
now
exist
that
could
lead to
guns
that can
only be
fired by
the
adults
who own
them. I
ask
Congress
to fund
research
into
smart
gun
technology
to save
these
children's
lives. I
ask
responsible
leaders
in the
gun
industry
to work
with us
on smart
guns and
other
steps to
keep
guns out
of the
wrong
hands to
keep our
children
safe.
You
know,
every
parent I
know
worries
about
the
impact
of
violence
in the
media on
their
children.
I want
to begin
by
thanking
the
entertainment
industry
for
accepting
my
challenge
to put
voluntary
ratings
on TV
programs
and
video
and
Internet
games.
But
frankly,
the
ratings
are too
numerous,
diverse,
and
confusing
to be
really
useful
to
parents.
So
tonight,
I ask
the
industry
to
accept
the
First
Lady's
challenge
to
develop
a single
voluntary
rating
system
for all
children's
entertainment
that is
easier
for
parents
to
understand
and
enforce.
The
steps I
outline
will
take us
well on
our way
to
making
America
the
safest
big
country
in the
world.
Now, to
keep our
historic
economic
expansion
going,
the
subject
of a lot
of
discussion
in this
community
and
others,
I
believe
we need
a 21st
century
revolution
to open
new
markets,
start
new
businesses,
hire new
workers
right
here in
America,
in our
inner
cities,
poor
rural
areas,
and
Native
American
reservations.
Our
Nation's
prosperity
hasn't
yet
reached
these
places.
Over the
last 6
months,
I've
traveled
to a lot
of them,
joined
by many
of you
and many
far-sighted
business
people,
to shine
a
spotlight
on the
enormous
potential
in
communities
from
Appalachia
to the
Mississippi
Delta,
from
Watts to
the Pine
Ridge
reservation.
Everywhere
I go, I
meet
talented
people
eager
for
opportunity
and able
to work.
Tonight
I ask
you,
let's
put them
to work.
For
business,
it's the
smart
thing to
do. For
America,
it's the
right
thing to
do. And
let me
ask you
something:
If we
don't do
this
now,
when in
the wide
world
will we
ever get
around
to it?
So I ask
Congress
to give
businesses
the same
incentives
to
invest
in
America's
new
markets
they now
have to
invest
in
markets
overseas.
Tonight
I
propose
a large
new
markets
tax
credit
and
other
incentives
to spur
$22
billion
in
private-sector
capital
to
create
new
businesses
and new
investments
in our
inner
cities
and
rural
areas.
Because
empowerment
zones
have
been
creating
these
opportunities
for 5
years
now, I
also ask
you to
increase
incentives
to
invest
in them
and to
create
more of
them.
And let
me say
to all
of you
again
what I
have
tried to
say at
every
turn:
This is
not a
Democratic
or a
Republican
issue.
Giving
people a
chance
to live
their
dreams
is an
American
issue.
Mr.
Speaker,
it was a
powerful
moment
last
November
when you
joined
Reverend
Jesse
Jackson
and me
in your
home
State of
Illinois
and
committed
to
working
toward
our
common
goal by
combining
the best
ideas
from
both
sides of
the
aisle. I
want to
thank
you
again
and to
tell
you, Mr.
Speaker,
I look
forward
to
working
with
you.
This is
a worthy
joint
endeavor.
Thank
you.
I also
ask you
to make
special
efforts
to
address
the
areas of
our
Nation
with the
highest
rates of
poverty,
our
Native
American
reservations
and the
Mississippi
Delta.
My
budget
includes
a $110
million
initiative
to
promote
economic
development
in the
Delta
and a
billion
dollars
to
increase
economic
opportunity,
health
care,
education,
and law
enforcement
for our
Native
American
communities.
We
should
begin
this new
century
by
honoring
our
historic
responsibility
to
empower
the
first
Americans.
And I
want to
thank
tonight
the
leaders
and the
members
from
both
parties
who've
expressed
to me an
interest
in
working
with us
on these
efforts.
They are
profoundly
important.
There's
another
part of
our
American
community
in
trouble
tonight,
our
family
farmers.
When I
signed
the farm
bill in
1996, I
said
there
was
great
danger
it would
work
well in
good
times
but not
in bad.
Well,
droughts,
floods,
and
historically
low
prices
have
made
these
times
very bad
for the
farmers.
We must
work
together
to
strengthen
the farm
safety
net,
invest
in land
conservation,
and
create
some new
markets
for them
by
expanding
our
programs
for
bio-based
fuels
and
products.
Please,
they
need
help.
Let's do
it
together.
Opportunity
for all
requires
something
else
today,
having
access
to a
computer
and
knowing
how to
use it.
That
means we
must
close
the
digital
divide
between
those
who've
got the
tools
and
those
who
don't.
Connecting
classrooms
and
libraries
to the
Internet
is
crucial,
but it's
just a
start.
My
budget
ensures
that all
new
teachers
are
trained
to teach
21st
century
skills,
and it
creates
technology
centers
in 1,000
communities
to serve
adults.
This
spring,
I'll
invite
high-tech
leaders
to join
me on
another
new
markets
tour, to
close
the
digital
divide
and open
opportunity
for our
people.
I want
to thank
the
high-tech
companies
that
already
are
doing so
much in
this
area. I
hope the
new tax
incentives
I have
proposed
will get
all the
rest of
them to
join us.
This is
a
national
crusade.
We have
got to
do this
and do
it
quickly.
Now,
again I
say to
you,
these
are
steps,
but step
by step,
we can
go a
long way
toward
our goal
of
bringing
opportunity
to every
community.
To
realize
the full
possibilities
of this
economy,
we must
reach
beyond
our own
borders,
to shape
the
revolution
that is
tearing
down
barriers
and
building
new
networks
among
nations
and
individuals
and
economies
and
cultures:
globalization.
It's the
central
reality
of our
time.
Of
course,
change
this
profound
is both
liberating
and
threatening
to
people.
But
there's
no
turning
back.
And our
open,
creative
society
stands
to
benefit
more
than any
other if
we
understand
and act
on the
realities
of
interdependence.
We have
to be at
the
center
of every
vital
global
network,
as a
good
neighbor
and a
good
partner.
We have
to
recognize
that we
cannot
build
our
future
without
helping
others
to build
theirs.
The
first
thing we
have got
to do is
to forge
a new
consensus
on
trade.
Now,
those of
us who
believe
passionately
in the
power of
open
trade,
we have
to
ensure
that it
lifts
both our
living
standards
and our
values,
never
tolerating
abusive
child
labor or
a race
to the
bottom
in the
environment
and
worker
protection.
But
others
must
recognize
|